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CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN A DEMOCRACY:
CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE
NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES
NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES
TABLE
OF CONTENTS
PAGE (S)
Title Page.................................................................i
Certification........................................................,.. ii
Dedication................................................................iii
Acknowledgement................................................ iv
Table of
Contents................................................ v-viii
List of
Tables.......................................................... ix
List of Figures………………………………………. x
Glossary of Terms.............................................. xi
Abstract...................................................................xii
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background of
the Study………………………1-5
1.2 Statement of
the Problem…………………….5-6
1.3 Objectives of
the Study………………………..7
1.4 Significance
of the Study……………………...7-8
1.5 Scope of the
Study……………………………..8
1.6
Methodology...................................................8-10
1.7 Limitations
of the Study.................................... 10-11
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1
Introduction........................................................
2.2 Civil-Military
Relations........................................ 14-17
2.3 Concept of
Democracy....................................... 17-18
2.4 Relationship
Between Civil-Military
Relations and
Democracy.......................................... 18-19
2.5 Theoretical
Framework
2.5.1 Theory of Civil-Military
Relations...................... 20-23
2.5.2 Models of
Civil-Military Relations..................... 23-24
2.6 Review of Some Existing
Literature..................... 24-26
CHAPTER THREE
AN ASSESSMENT OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS
IN NIGERIA
IN NIGERIA
3.1
Introduction........................................................ 31
3.2 Efforts at
Subordinating the Armed
3.2.1 Confining
The Armed Forces Roles to
Constitutional
Provisions........................................... 32-33
3.2.2 Applying
Constitutional Provisions for
The Control of the Armed
Forces........................... 33-36
3.2.3 Purging The
Military of Politicised
Officers.................................................................... 36-38
3.2.4
Parliamentary Oversight Functions of
The
Military............................................................ 38-40
3.3 Reprofessionalising
The Armed Forces........... 40
3.3.1
Training.............................................................. 40-44
3.3.2 Military Aid
to Civil Power............................... 44-45
3.3.3 Provision of
Welfare Services in the
Armed Forces........................................................ 45-47
3.4 Defence
Headquarters Efforts at
Building CMR in The Armed Forces...................... 47-52
3.5 The Extent of
CMR Attainment Since
Return To Democracy........................................... 52-65
3.6 Challenges of
Civil-Military Relations
For The Nigerian Armed Forces............................ 65-69
CHAPTER FOUR
STRATEGIES FOR ENHANCING
CIVIL-MILITARY RLEATIONS IN NIGERIAN
4.1 Introduction......................................................
4.2 Armed
Forces..................................................... 77-81
CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Conclusion.......................................................... 82-84
5.2
Recommendations............................................ 84-85
Enclosure
1........................................................... 1-1
Enclosure 2........................................................... 2-1
Enclosure
3............................................................ 3-1
Enclosure
4............................................................ 1-4
ABSTRACT
Civil-Military
relations is the interaction between the civil authority, civil society and the
military. It aims at gaining and enhancing the understanding, support and
cooperation with each other towards achieving a peaceful and stable environment
in the overall interest of national security. Civil-Military relations before
May 1999 was stained and the military became revered not out of admiration but
for fear of coercion and intimidation. In an effort to re-establish
Civil-Military relations and re-professionalise the Armed Forces, the
government retired officers perceived to be threat to the survival of democracy
and subordination of the military to civil authority. Various training
programmes were embarked upon both locally and overseas for cross fertilisation
and re-professionalising of the Armed Forces.
For the researcher to
ascertain the state of Civil-Military relations in Nigeria, he conducted the
research using primary and secondary data. It uses qualitative and quantitative
methods in the analyses. It submits that a proper understanding of
Civil-Military relations implies the recognition of the military institution in
the polity. For the military to perform its role effectively and to ensure
stability of democracy, it is essential that both the military, political
elites and the civil society understand their proper roles in a democratic
society.
The research
identifies some challenges Civil-Military relations poses for the Armed Forces.
These include; wrong perception of the Armed Forces, lack of appropriate
formula for defence budget, militarization of the society, lack of defence
expertise, non adherence to the rule of laws and failure to provide dividends
of democracy.
In order to overcome
the challenges, the research identifies a number of strategies that include;
re-orientation of the Armed Forces/civil populace appropriate formula for
defence budget, equipping the police for internal security role and adherence
to the rule of law. It further makes recommendations that could promote the
appropriate Civil-Military relations in Nigeria.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
Civil- Military Relations
(CMR) emerged after the Second World War as a dominant challenge and a
recurring theme in academic literature in developed and developing democracies
across the world. Changes in both the geo-strategic
environment and domestic political systems are leading to calls for a review of
CMR. The concern has been about
finding an appropriate balance between the military and civil society in a
democracy. In countries emerging from years of military rule, the fear of a
politicized military experiencing a re-entry shock and plotting to intervene
again by overt military action has been a major source of threat to elected
governments in a democracy and the need to well established CMR.
The military exists
throughout history and is widely viewed as the “shield and sword of the state”
(Adache 2007:38). Most nations have armed forces
with their roles stipulated in the country’s constitution. One of the cardinal objects of a nation’s
vital interests is the defence of its territorial integrity by its armed forces
and this is sacrosanct. In spite of the armed forces’ sacred
role however, their position in the context of national political hierarchy is
often a source of debate and intense emotion.
CMR has grown over the
years beyond just the concern about civil supremacy or control over the military.
Thus, Shiyanbade observes that CMR in any country especially in a democracy is
determined by several factors. These include; history of the military as an
institution; political culture of the country; the political economy of the
state; external factors, the characters and training of the officer corps; the
characters and disposition of the political leadership and the constitution of
the country (Shiyanbade 2007:9).
Western countries differ
greatly as to the degree of control of the military and the model of CMR. For
instance, in the United States of America (USA), Britain and Canada; the
constitution is the benchmark for measuring the duties of the executive and the
military interactions in relation to the legislative oversight of the military
(Zabad, p.81). The relationship between the military and the political elites
is based on the doctrine of civil supremacy. In the USA, the President and the
Congress share almost equal powers over the responsibility for the armed
forces. The President
is the Commander -in -Chief (C-in-C), but only the congress declares war, raises
and supports armies and makes regulation for the armed forces (Meir 1995:2).
Therefore, the robustness of the American democracy can be traced to
the relations that exist between the political class and the military.
The
state of CMR is however different in the Third World countries where the
military has extended its role beyond its constitutional provision to the
political spheres of nation-states. Thus, Gupta cites several factors that
helped promote the military interventions in the political life of new
nation-states. Some important factors include perceived instability, weak
political institutions, corruption and government ineffectiveness in handling
economic issues. He further observes that the military institutions have
not imbibed the professional values and respect for civilian supremacy (Kennedy
and Louscher 1991:65). It is therefore not surprising that the boundaries
between the polity and the barracks were so blurred.
National security and
strong diplomatic stature; proper equilibrium between political influence and
military professionalism must be established to create and maintain democratic
stability. It is an on-going process which evolves to cater for changing
concepts. The situation is however critical in nations like Liberia and Sierra
Leone that have recently emerged from authoritarian rule. A proper
understanding of CMR implies the recognition of the military institution in the
polity. For the military to perform its role effectively to ensure stability of
democracy, it is essential that both the military, political elites and the
civil society understand their proper roles in a democratic society (National
Defence Policy, p.56-57). This understanding will include well defined areas of
cooperation between the military, the political leaders and civil society which
is CMR.
In
Nigeria, the military is now subjected to civil control since return to
democratic rule in 1999 after many years of autocratic rule. The military
leadership faces with the tasks of educating personnel against clashes with
Nigeria Police, civil populace and to be subordinated to civil authority. Policy
makers, academics, military strategists and civil society groups are
pre-occupied with developing a balanced CMR in the country. Democratic rule
therefore demands military subordination to civil authority both in terms of
legislative oversight and budgetary allocation among others (Zabadi, p.89).
This presents some challenges to the Armed Forces as they are accountable to
the civil authority. The researcher’s motivation was to see how to evolve ways
of addressing the challenges CMR poses for the Armed Forces.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
CMR in a democracy does not only deal
with the issues of military in politics and power conflicts, it spans across
professionalism, security and defence for enhanced political stability among
others (Huntington 1985:3). CMR studies have focused attention on
established democracies with very few systematic studies on developing
democracies like Nigeria. Most studies of CMR are greatly concerned with the
'military factor' only after an intervention occurs. The role of the same
institution in domestic situations where the military does not rule is often
neglected or underestimated. The return to democratic governance in Nigeria implies a new
approach as regards the oversight of the military and subordination. This is sequel to the fact
that the military is the only agent of the state that controls arms hence the
need for cooperation and subsequent control of the Armed Forces to guide
against its misuse.
One of the main concerns of democracy
in Nigeria is how to attain the appropriate balance between maintaining
military force strong enough to protect and sustain democratic values of the
society, and the civil control to be able to prevent any military takeover of
government. It was against this background, that this study sought to provide
answers to the following questions:
a. What is the relationship between CMR and democracy?
b. How has CMR fared in a
democratic Nigeria?
c. What are the challenges CMR poses to the
Armed Forces in a democracy?
e. What strategies could be evolved to attain a balanced CMR?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The main objective of the
study was to examine CMR in a democratic Nigeria with a view to identifying the
challenges for the Armed Forces. The specific objectives are to:
a. Establish the relationship between CMR
and democracy.
b. Assess the state of CMR in Nigeria since
return to democracy from 1999 to 2008.
c. Identify the challenges of CMR to the Armed
Forces of Nigeria.
d. Proffer strategies for enhancing CMR in
Nigeria.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The study is expected to be of significance to political
leaders, military leaders and civil societies’ organisations. It would assist
the Nigerian Armed Forces in their continued and sustained resolve at reprofessionalism
and subordination to civil authority. It would also contribute to the ongoing
debate on military subordination to civil authority and stimulate further
research on the subject.
1.5 SCOPE
The scope of this study of
CMR in a democracy covered the period 1999 to 2008. This period was chosen
because it marked the return of Nigeria to democratic rule, which had witnessed
uninterrupted democratic governance for 9 years.
1.6 METHODOLOGY
The methodology used in this study was
both quantitative and analytical methods. The collection and recording of data
were as follows:
a. Sources
of Data: The sources of data used in this study were obtained from both primary and secondary
sources.
b. Method of Data Collection: In order to accomplish the objective of this
study, primary and secondary sources were consulted. Primary sources of data were
unstructured interviews, discussions and questionnaires. Secondary sources of data
were studies of relevant literature, published and unpublished including
newspapers publications.
(1) Primary Data: The primary sources of data
were the interviews conducted and questionnaires. Those interviewed included;
the Chairman Senate Committee on Defence, Chairman House Committee on Air Force,
Permanent Secretary Ministry of Defence, the Chiefs of Operation Army, Navy,
Air Force; Director CMR, Defence
Headquarters; Defence Liaison Officer National Assembly, and Director News, Nigeria Television Authority.
Others include Legal Officer, Civil Liberties Organisation, the President
Nigerian Labour Congress and some members of the public knowledgeable on the
subject. Some questionnaires were administered to the civil populace on the
subject matter.
(2) Secondary Sources of Data:
Secondary sources of data were books, newspapers, published and
unpublished books and lectures as well as the internet. The researcher visited
a number of libraries to have access to these materials. Libraries visited
included the National Defence College (NDC), Armed Forces Command and Staff
College (AFCSC) National Library Abuja Directorate of Intelligence Agency
Library and Arewa House Kaduna.
c. Method of Data Analysis: The data collected through primary and
secondary sources were quantitatively and qualitatively analysed.
d. Method of Data Presentation: The
data were presented in a simple quantitative form. Based on the analysis of the
data collated, deductions were made leading to the assessment of CMR in Nigeria
since return to democracy.
1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
The study was limited by
the researcher’s inability to track down some officers earmarked for interview.
However, this was adequately taken care of through secondary sources and this
did not affect the validity of the work. The study concentrated on the efforts
made by both the political elites and the Armed Forces in fostering CMR since
return to democracy.
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